Society and Culture Atlas

How People Live Together
Atlas Trail

Ritual and the Space In Between

10 stops

Every culture in this atlas marks a boundary somewhere: between one social status and the next, between what a group may touch and what it may not, between the living and the dead, between ordinary awareness and the trance a shaman enters to reach a spirit world. This trail follows the ethnographic record of how societies build and manage those thresholds, starting with the anthropologist who first gave the pattern a name and moving through the specific rituals, symbols and specialists that still enact it.

Stop 1 of 10.
Ethnography and Cultural Practices

Arnold van Gennep grouped these ceremonies, held at birth, puberty, marriage and death, into one category and gave them a three part shape: separation, transition and incorporation. It is one of the few categories in anthropology documented in nearly every culture studied.

Stop 2 of 10.
Social Theorists

This French ethnographer coined the phrase rites of passage in his 1909 book and named the ambiguous middle stage liminality. He worked mostly outside the university system and is also credited as the founder of folklore studies in France.

Stop 3 of 10.
Social Theory and Concepts

The threshold stage of a rite of passage, when a person has left one status behind and has not yet reached the next. Anthropologists describe it simply as betwixt and between.

Stop 4 of 10.
Social Theorists

Turner took van Gennep's middle stage and built a career on it, spending long stretches among the Ndembu of Zambia to study how liminality dissolves ordinary social structure. He later stretched the idea toward modern secular life, an extension other scholars still argue overreaches the original concept.

Stop 5 of 10.
Ethnography and Cultural Practices

The word itself entered English through Captain Cook's 1777 visit to Tonga, where he was told a thing was taboo and recorded the word as covering almost anything forbidden. Every culture on this trail draws some version of that line, around food, the dead, sex or violence.

Stop 6 of 10.
Ethnography and Cultural Practices

A totem marks a family, clan or lineage the way a taboo marks a forbidden act, through a shared symbol rather than a shared boundary. Durkheim read it as the root of collective worship, and Levi-Strauss later argued it was not one unified institution at all, just an ordinary habit of human classification.

Stop 7 of 10.
Ethnography and Cultural Practices

A father takes to his bed, fasts, or in one Papua New Guinea account builds a hut outside the village and mimics labor pains until the child is born. Levi-Strauss read the practice as a ritual that welds a father into a family he cannot otherwise physically join.

Stop 8 of 10.
Ethnography and Cultural Practices

Honoring the dead here is not just memory. It rests on a belief that the dead keep some hold on the fortunes of the living, so the relationship with them has to be maintained, not merely recalled.

Stop 9 of 10.
Ethnography and Cultural Practices

The shaman crosses the same threshold a rite of passage marks, entering a trance through drumming, ritual performance or hallucinogens to reach a spirit world on the community's behalf, most often to heal, divine or guide.

Stop 10 of 10.
Ethnography and Cultural Practices

When misfortune has no other explanation, some communities find it in a person instead, most often a woman, child or someone already at the margins. It is the boundary this trail keeps meeting, between a community and whoever gets placed outside it and blamed.

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